ANER 亚洲北美东行运费协定 Asia NorthAmerica EastboundRate
B组
BAF（燃油附加费）：BUNKER ADJUSTMENT FACTOR
BAF 燃油附加费，大多数航线都有，但标准不一。
BAF 燃油附加费 Bunker AdjustmentFactor
B/L（提单）：BILL OF LADING
B/L 海运提单 Bill of Lading
B/L （bill of lading)提单
B/R 买价 Buying Rate
C组（主要运费已付）
CFR 成本加运费（……指定目的港）
CFR(cost and freight)成本加运费价
C&F（成本加运费）：COST AND FREIGHT
C&F 成本加海运费 COST AND FREIGHT
CIF 成本、保险费加运费付至（……指定目的港）
CIF 成本，保险加海运费 COST，INSURANCE，FRIGHT
CIF（成本运费加保险，俗称“到岸价”）：COST INSURANCE AND FREIGHT
FOB （离岸价）：FREE ON BOARD
CPT 运费付至（……指定目的港）
CPT 运费付至目的地 Carriage Paid To
CIP 运费、保险费付至（……指定目的地）
CIP 运费、保险费付至目的地 Carriage and Insurance Paid To
CY/CY 整柜交货（起点/终点）
C.Y. 货柜场 Container Yard
CY（码头）：CONTAINER YARD
CFS（场）：CARGO FREIGHT STATION
C/D (customs declaration)报关单
C．C．（运费到付）：COLLECT
C.C 运费到付 Collect
CNTR NO. （柜号）：CONTAINER NUMBER
C.O (certificate of origin)一般原产地证
CTN/CTNS(carton/cartons)纸箱
C.S.C 货柜服务费 Container Service Charge
C/(CNEE) 收货人 Consignee
C/O 产地证 Certificate of Origin
CAF 货币汇率附加费 Currency Adjustment Factor
CFS 散货仓库 Container Freight Station
CFS/CFS 散装交货（起点/终点）
CHB 报关行 Customs House Broker
COMM 商品 Commodity
CTNR 柜子 Container

D组（到达）
DAF 边境交货（……指定地点）
DAF 边境交货 Delivered At Frontier
DES 目的港船上交货（……指定目的港）
DES 目的港船上交货 Delivered Ex Ship
DEQ 目的港码头交货（……指定目的港）
DEQ 目的港码头交货 Delivered Ex Quay
DDU 未完税交货（……指定目的地）
DDU 未完税交货 Delivered Duty Unpaid
DDP 完税后交货（……指定目的地）
DDP 完税后交货 Delivered Duty Paid
DDC、IAC 直航附加费，美加航线使用
DDC 目的港码头费 Destination Delivery Charge
DL/DLS(dollar/dollars)美元
D/P(document against payment)付款交单
D/P 付款交单 Document Against Payment
DOC (document)文件、单据
DOC（文件费）：DOCUMENT CHARGE
Doc# 文件号码 Document Number
D/A (document against acceptance)承兑交单
D/A 承兑交单 Document Against Acceptance
DOZ/DZ(dozen)一打
D/O 到港通知 Delivery Order
E组（发货）
EXW 工厂交货（……指定地点）
Ex 工厂交货 Work/ExFactory
ETA（到港日）：ESTIMATED TIME OF ARRIVAL
ETD（开船日）：ESTIMATED TIME OF DELIVERY
ETC（截关日）：ESTIMATED TIME OF CLOSING
EBS、EBA 部分航线燃油附加费的表示方式，EBS一般是澳洲航线使用， EBA一般 是非洲航线、中南美航线使用
EXP（export)出口
EA(each)每个，各
EPS 设备位置附加费 Equipment Position Surcharges
F组（主要运费未付）
FCA 货交承运人（……指定地点）
FCA 货交承运人 Free Carrier
FAS 船边交货（……指定装运港）
FOB 船上交货（……指定装运港）
FOB 船上交货 Free On Board
FOB （离岸价）：FREE ON BOARD
CIF（成本运费加保险，俗称“到岸价”）：COST INSURANCE AND FREIGHT
FCL（整箱货）：FULL CONTAINER CARGO LOAD
FCL 整柜 Full Container Load
LCL（拼箱货）：LESS THAN ONECONTAINER CARGO LOAD
FAF 燃油价调整附加费（日本航线专用）
FAF 燃料附加费 Fuel AdjustmentFactor
FAC(facsimile)传真
Form A ---产地证（贸易公司）
F/F 货运代理 Freight Forwarder
FAK 各种货品 Freight All Kind
FAS 装运港船边交货 Free Alongside Ship
Feeder Vessel/Lighter 驳船航次
FEU 40‘柜型 Forty-Foot Equivalent Unit 40’
FMC 联邦海事委员会 Federal Maritime Commission
FIO是FREE IN AND OUT的意思，指船公司不付装船和卸船费用
FIOST条款,指船公司不负责装,卸,平舱,理舱
FI是FREE IN的意思，指船公司不付装
FO是FREE OUT的意思，同理指船公司不付卸
G组
GRI 综合费率上涨附加费，一般是南美航线、美国航线使用
GRI 全面涨价 General RateIncrease
G.W.(gross weight)毛重
G.W.(gross weight)毛重
N.W.(net weight)净重
G.S.P.(generalized system of preferences)普惠制
H组
HB/L（货代提单）：HOUSE BILL OF LADING
HBL 子提单 House B/L
H/C 代理费 Handling Charge
I 组
IFA 临时燃油附加费，某些航线临时使用
INT（international)国际的
INV (invoice)发票
IMP(import)进口
I/S 内销售 Inside Sales
IA 各别调价 Independent Action
J 组
JP---代表“日元”
L组
FCL（整箱货）：FULL CONTAINER CARGO LOAD
LCL（拼箱货）：LESS THAN ONECONTAINER CARGO LOAD
LCL 拼柜 Less Than Container Load
L/C （letter of credit)信用证
L/C 信用证 Letter of Credit
Land Bridge 陆桥
M 组
MB/L 主提单 Master Bill Of Loading
MIN (minimum)最小的，最低限度
M/V（merchant vessel)商船
MT或M/T(metric ton)公吨
M/T 尺码吨（即货物收费以尺码计费） Measurement Ton
MAX (maximum)最大的、最大限度的
M 或MED (medium)中等，中级的
MLB 小陆桥，自一港到另一港口 Minni Land Bridge
Mother Vessel 主线船
MTD 多式联运单据 Multimodal Transport Document
N组
NOVCC（无船承运人）：NON VESSEL OPRERATING COMMON CARRIER
NVOCC 无船承运人 Non Vessel OperatingCommon Carrier
N.W.(net weight)净重
N/F 通知人 Notify
O组
O/F 海运费 Ocean Freight
O/F（海运费）：OCEAN FREIGHT
ORC（广东地区原产地收货费）：ORIGINAL RECEIVING CHARGE
OB/L（海运提单）：OCEAN BILL OF LADING
OBL 海运提单 Ocean (or original )B/L
ORC 本地出口附加费，和SPS类似，一般在华南地区使用
ORC 本地收货费用（广东省收取） Origen Recevie Charges
OCP 货主自行安排运到内陆点 Overland Continental Point
OP 操作 Operation
P组
POD 目地港 Port Of Destination
POL 装运港 Port Of Loading
PSS 旺季附加费 Peak Season Sucharges
PSS（旺季附加费）：PEAK CEASON SURCHARGE
PSS 旺季附加费，大多数航线在运输旺季时可能临时使用
REF （reference)参考、查价
RMB（renminbi)人民币
PR或PRC(price) 价格
P/P（运费预付）：FREIGHT PREPAID
P.P 预付 Prepaid
PCS 港口拥挤附加费，一般是以色列、印度某些港口及中南美航线使用
PCS 港口拥挤附加费 Port Congestion Surcharge
PTF 巴拿马运河附加费，美国航线、中南美航线使用
PKG(package)一包，一捆，一扎，一件等
PCE/PCS(piece/pieces)只、个、支等
P/L (packing list)装箱单、明细表
PCT (percent)百分比
PUR (purchase)购买、购货
S组
S/O（订舱单）：SHIPPING ORDER
S/O 装货指示书 Shipping Order
SEAL NO. （铅封号）
S/C（sales contract)销售确认书
S/C 售货合同 Sales Contract
SC 服务合同 Service Contract
STL.(style)式样、款式、类型
SPS 上海港口附加费（船挂上港九区、十区）
S.S(steamship)船运
S/M （shipping marks)装船标记
S/(Shpr) 发货人 Shipper
S/R 卖价 Selling Rate
S/S Spread Sheet Spread Sheet
SSL 船公司 Steam Ship Line
SDR special drawing rights 特别提款权
T组
THC（码头费）：TERMINAL HANDLING CHARGE
THC 码头操作费（香港收取) Terminal Handling Charges
T/T（电汇）：TELEGRAM TRANSIT
T/T 航程 Transit Time
T/T(telegraphic transfer)电汇
T.O.C 码头操作费 Terminal Operations Option
T.R.C 码头收柜费 Terminal Receiving Charge
T/S 转船，转运 Trans-Ship
TVC/ TVR 定期定量合同 Time Volume Contract/ Rate
TEU 20‘柜型 Twenty-Foot Equivalent Unit 20’
TTL 总共 Total
T或LTX或TX(telex)电传
V组
VESSEL/VOYAGE（船名/航次）
VOCC 船公司 Vessel Operating Common Carrier
W组
W (with)具有
WT(weight)重量
W/T 重量吨(即货物收费以重量计费) Weight Ton
w/o(without)没有
W/M 即以重量吨或者尺码吨中从高收费 Weight or Measurement ton
Y组
YAS 日元升值附加费（日本航线专用）
YAS 码头附加费 Yard Surcharges

从点菜看出你创业能力.................

当你和朋友或其他人到酒店里用餐，你点菜时通常是：

A、不管别人，只点自己想吃的。

B、点和别人同样的菜。

C、先说出自己想吃的东西。

D、先点好，再视周围情形而变动。

E、犹犹豫豫，点菜慢吞吞的。

F、先请店员说明菜的情况后再点菜。

测试结果：

 

 

 

 

A、做事果断，容易跨出创业第一步，但是否正确却难说。

B、顺从型，不适合创业。

C、性格直爽、胸襟开阔，适合创业。

D、小心谨慎，缺乏掌握全局意识，在创业中千万不可犹豫不决。

E、做事一丝不苟，安全第一。较有创业优势。

F、讨厌别人指挥，如能谦虚，将对创业更有帮助。

03-20]

"We the people, in order to form a more perfect union."

Two hundred and twenty one years ago, in a hall that still stands across the street, a group of men gathered and, with these simple words, launched America's improbable experiment in democracy. Farmers and scholars; statesmen and patriots who had traveled across an ocean to escape tyranny and persecution finally made real their declaration of independence at a Philadelphia convention that lasted through the spring of 1787.

The document they produced was eventually signed but ultimately unfinished. It was stained by this nation's original sin of slavery, a question that divided the colonies and brought the convention to a stalemate until the founders chose to allow the slave trade to continue for at least twenty more years, and to leave any final resolution to future generations.

Of course, the answer to the slavery question was already embedded within our Constitution - a Constitution that had at its very core the ideal of equal citizenship under the law; a Constitution that promised its people liberty, and justice, and a union that could be and should be perfected over time.

And yet words on a parchment would not be enough to deliver slaves from bondage, or provide men and women of every color and creed their full rights and obligations as citizens of the United States. What would be needed were Americans in successive generations who were willing to do their part - through protests and struggle, on the streets and in the courts, through a civil war and civil disobedience and always at great risk - to narrow that gap between the promise of our ideals and the reality of their time.

This was one of the tasks we set forth at the beginning of this campaign - to continue the long march of those who came before us, a march for a more just, more equal, more free, more caring and more prosperous America. I chose to run for the presidency at this moment in history because I believe deeply that we cannot solve the challenges of our time unless we solve them together - unless we perfect our union by understanding that we may have different stories, but we hold common hopes; that we may not look the same and we may not have come from the same place, but we all want to move in the same direction - towards a better future for our children and our grandchildren.

This belief comes from my unyielding faith in the decency and generosity of the American people. But it also comes from my own American story.

I am the son of a black man from Kenya and a white woman from Kansas. I was raised with the help of a white grandfather who survived a Depression to serve in Patton's Army during World War II and a white grandmother who worked on a bomber assembly line at Fort Leavenworth while he was overseas. I've gone to some of the best schools in America and lived in one of the world's poorest nations. I am married to a black American who carries within her the blood of slaves and slaveowners - an inheritance we pass on to our two precious daughters. I have brothers, sisters, nieces, nephews, uncles and cousins, of every race and every hue, scattered across three continents, and for as long as I live, I will never forget that in no other country on Earth is my story even possible.

It's a story that hasn't made me the most conventional candidate. But it is a story that has seared into my genetic makeup the idea that this nation is more than the sum of its parts - that out of many, we are truly one.

Throughout the first year of this campaign, against all predictions to the contrary, we saw how hungry the American people were for this message of unity. Despite the temptation to view my candidacy through a purely racial lens, we won commanding victories in states with some of the whitest populations in the country. In South Carolina, where the Confederate Flag still flies, we built a powerful coalition of African Americans and white Americans.

This is not to say that race has not been an issue in the campaign. At various stages in the campaign, some commentators have deemed me either "too black" or "not black enough." We saw racial tensions bubble to the surface during the week before the South Carolina primary. The press has scoured every exit poll for the latest evidence of racial polarization, not just in terms of white and black, but black and brown as well.

And yet, it has only been in the last couple of weeks that the discussion of race in this campaign has taken a particularly divisive turn.

On one end of the spectrum, we've heard the implication that my candidacy is somehow an exercise in affirmative action; that it's based solely on the desire of wide-eyed liberals to purchase racial reconciliation on the cheap. On the other end, we've heard my former pastor, Reverend Jeremiah Wright, use incendiary language to express views that have the potential not only to widen the racial divide, but views that denigrate both the greatness and the goodness of our nation; that rightly offend white and black alike.

I have already condemned, in unequivocal terms, the statements of Reverend Wright that have caused such controversy. For some, nagging questions remain. Did I know him to be an occasionally fierce critic of American domestic and foreign policy? Of course. Did I ever hear him make remarks that could be considered controversial while I sat in church? Yes. Did I strongly disagree with many of his political views? Absolutely - just as I'm sure many of you have heard remarks from your pastors, priests, or rabbis with which you strongly disagreed.

But the remarks that have caused this recent firestorm weren't simply controversial. They weren't simply a religious leader's effort to speak out against perceived injustice. Instead, they expressed a profoundly distorted view of this country - a view that sees white racism as endemic, and that elevates what is wrong with America above all that we know is right with America; a view that sees the conflicts in the Middle East as rooted primarily in the actions of stalwart allies like Israel, instead of emanating from the perverse and hateful ideologies of radical Islam.

As such, Reverend Wright's comments were not only wrong but divisive, divisive at a time when we need unity; racially charged at a time when we need to come together to solve a set of monumental problems - two wars, a terrorist threat, a falling economy, a chronic health care crisis and potentially devastating climate change; problems that are neither black or white or Latino or Asian, but rather problems that confront us all.

Given my background, my politics, and my professed values and ideals, there will no doubt be those for whom my statements of condemnation are not enough. Why associate myself with Reverend Wright in the first place, they may ask? Why not join another church? And I confess that if all that I knew of Reverend Wright were the snippets of those sermons that have run in an endless loop on the television and You Tube, or if Trinity United Church of Christ conformed to the caricatures being peddled by some commentators, there is no doubt that I would react in much the same way

But the truth is, that isn't all that I know of the man. The man I met more than twenty years ago is a man who helped introduce me to my Christian faith, a man who spoke to me about our obligations to love one another; to care for the sick and lift up the poor. He is a man who served his country as a U.S. Marine; who has studied and lectured at some of the finest universities and seminaries in the country, and who for over thirty years led a church that serves the community by doing God's work here on Earth - by housing the homeless, ministering to the needy, providing day care services and scholarships and prison ministries, and reaching out to those suffering from HIV/AIDS.

In my first book, Dreams From My Father, I described the experience of my first service at Trinity:

"People began to shout, to rise from their seats and clap and cry out, a forceful wind carrying the reverend's voice up into the rafters....And in that single note - hope! - I heard something else; at the foot of that cross, inside the thousands of churches across the city, I imagined the stories of ordinary black people merging with the stories of David and Goliath, Moses and Pharaoh, the Christians in the lion's den, Ezekiel's field of dry bones. Those stories - of survival, and freedom, and hope - became our story, my story; the blood that had spilled was our blood, the tears our tears; until this black church, on this bright day, seemed once more a vessel carrying the story of a people into future generations and into a larger world. Our trials and triumphs became at once unique and universal, black and more than black; in chronicling our journey, the stories and songs gave us a means to reclaim memories that we didn't need to feel shame about...memories that all people might study and cherish - and with which we could start to rebuild."

That has been my experience at Trinity. Like other predominantly black churches across the country, Trinity embodies the black community in its entirety - the doctor and the welfare mom, the model student and the former gang-banger. Like other black churches, Trinity's services are full of raucous laughter and sometimes bawdy humor. They are full of dancing, clapping, screaming and shouting that may seem jarring to the untrained ear. The church contains in full the kindness and cruelty, the fierce intelligence and the shocking ignorance, the struggles and successes, the love and yes, the bitterness and bias that make up the black experience in America.

And this helps explain, perhaps, my relationship with Reverend Wright. As imperfect as he may be, he has been like family to me. He strengthened my faith, officiated my wedding, and baptized my children. Not once in my conversations with him have I heard him talk about any ethnic group in derogatory terms, or treat whites with whom he interacted with anything but courtesy and respect. He contains within him the contradictions - the good and the bad - of the community that he has served diligently for so many years.

I can no more disown him than I can disown the black community. I can no more disown him than I can my white grandmother - a woman who helped raise me, a woman who sacrificed again and again for me, a woman who loves me as much as she loves anything in this world, but a woman who once confessed her fear of black men who passed by her on the street, and who on more than one occasion has uttered racial or ethnic stereotypes that made me cringe.

These people are a part of me. And they are a part of America, this country that I love.

Some will see this as an attempt to justify or excuse comments that are simply inexcusable. I can assure you it is not. I suppose the politically safe thing would be to move on from this episode and just hope that it fades into the woodwork. We can dismiss Reverend Wright as a crank or a demagogue, just as some have dismissed Geraldine Ferraro, in the aftermath of her recent statements, as harboring some deep-seated racial bias.

But race is an issue that I believe this nation cannot afford to ignore right now. We would be making the same mistake that Reverend Wright made in his offending sermons about America - to simplify and stereotype and amplify the negative to the point that it distorts reality.

The fact is that the comments that have been made and the issues that have surfaced over the last few weeks reflect the complexities of race in this country that we've never really worked through - a part of our union that we have yet to perfect. And if we walk away now, if we simply retreat into our respective corners, we will never be able to come together and solve challenges like health care, or education, or the need to find good jobs for every American.

Understanding this reality requires a reminder of how we arrived at this point. As William Faulkner once wrote, "The past isn't dead and buried. In fact, it isn't even past." We do not need to recite here the history of racial injustice in this country. But we do need to remind ourselves that so many of the disparities that exist in the African-American community today can be directly traced to inequalities passed on from an earlier generation that suffered under the brutal legacy of slavery and Jim Crow.

Segregated schools were, and are, inferior schools; we still haven't fixed them, fifty years after Brown v. Board of Education, and the inferior education they provided, then and now, helps explain the pervasive achievement gap between today's black and white students.

Legalized discrimination - where blacks were prevented, often through violence, from owning property, or loans were not granted to African-American business owners, or black homeowners could not access FHA mortgages, or blacks were excluded from unions, or the police force, or fire departments - meant that black families could not amass any meaningful wealth to bequeath to future generations. That history helps explain the wealth and income gap between black and white, and the concentrated pockets of poverty that persists in so many of today's urban and rural communities.

A lack of economic opportunity among black men, and the shame and frustration that came from not being able to provide for one's family, contributed to the erosion of black families - a problem that welfare policies for many years may have worsened. And the lack of basic services in so many urban black neighborhoods - parks for kids to play in, police walking the beat, regular garbage pick-up and building code enforcement - all helped create a cycle of violence, blight and neglect that continue to haunt us.

This is the reality in which Reverend Wright and other African-Americans of his generation grew up. They came of age in the late fifties and early sixties, a time when segregation was still the law of the land and opportunity was systematically constricted. What's remarkable is not how many failed in the face of discrimination, but rather how many men and women overcame the odds; how many were able to make a way out of no way for those like me who would come after them.

But for all those who scratched and clawed their way to get a piece of the American Dream, there were many who didn't make it - those who were ultimately defeated, in one way or another, by discrimination. That legacy of defeat was passed on to future generations - those young men and increasingly young women who we see standing on street corners or languishing in our prisons, without hope or prospects for the future. Even for those blacks who did make it, questions of race, and racism, continue to define their worldview in fundamental ways. For the men and women of Reverend Wright's generation, the memories of humiliation and doubt and fear have not gone away; nor has the anger and the bitterness of those years. That anger may not get expressed in public, in front of white co-workers or white friends. But it does find voice in the barbershop or around the kitchen table. At times, that anger is exploited by politicians, to gin up votes along racial lines, or to make up for a politician's own failings.

And occasionally it finds voice in the church on Sunday morning, in the pulpit and in the pews. The fact that so many people are surprised to hear that anger in some of Reverend Wright's sermons simply reminds us of the old truism that the most segregated hour in American life occurs on Sunday morning. That anger is not always productive; indeed, all too often it distracts attention from solving real problems; it keeps us from squarely facing our own complicity in our condition, and prevents the African-American community from forging the alliances it needs to bring about real change. But the anger is real; it is powerful; and to simply wish it away, to condemn it without understanding its roots, only serves to widen the chasm of misunderstanding that exists between the races.

In fact, a similar anger exists within segments of the white community. Most working- and middle-class white Americans don't feel that they have been particularly privileged by their race. Their experience is the immigrant experience - as far as they're concerned, no one's handed them anything, they've built it from scratch. They've worked hard all their lives, many times only to see their jobs shipped overseas or their pension dumped after a lifetime of labor. They are anxious about their futures, and feel their dreams slipping away; in an era of stagnant wages and global competition, opportunity comes to be seen as a zero sum game, in which your dreams come at my expense. So when they are told to bus their children to a school across town; when they hear that an African American is getting an advantage in landing a good job or a spot in a good college because of an injustice that they themselves never committed; when they're told that their fears about crime in urban neighborhoods are somehow prejudiced, resentment builds over time.

Like the anger within the black community, these resentments aren't always expressed in polite company. But they have helped shape the political landscape for at least a generation. Anger over welfare and affirmative action helped forge the Reagan Coalition. Politicians routinely exploited fears of crime for their own electoral ends. Talk show hosts and conservative commentators built entire careers unmasking bogus claims of racism while dismissing legitimate discussions of racial injustice and inequality as mere political correctness or reverse racism.

Just as black anger often proved counterproductive, so have these white resentments distracted attention from the real culprits of the middle class squeeze - a corporate culture rife with inside dealing, questionable accounting practices, and short-term greed; a Washington dominated by lobbyists and special interests; economic policies that favor the few over the many. And yet, to wish away the resentments of white Americans, to label them as misguided or even racist, without recognizing they are grounded in legitimate concerns - this too widens the racial divide, and blocks the path to understanding.

This is where we are right now. It's a racial stalemate we've been stuck in for years. Contrary to the claims of some of my critics, black and white, I have never been so naïve as to believe that we can get beyond our racial divisions in a single election cycle, or with a single candidacy - particularly a candidacy as imperfect as my own.

But I have asserted a firm conviction - a conviction rooted in my faith in God and my faith in the American people - that working together we can move beyond some of our old racial wounds, and that in fact we have no choice is we are to continue on the path of a more perfect union.

For the African-American community, that path means embracing the burdens of our past without becoming victims of our past. It means continuing to insist on a full measure of justice in every aspect of American life. But it also means binding our particular grievances - for better health care, and better schools, and better jobs - to the larger aspirations of all Americans -- the white woman struggling to break the glass ceiling, the white man whose been laid off, the immigrant trying to feed his family. And it means taking full responsibility for own lives - by demanding more from our fathers, and spending more time with our children, and reading to them, and teaching them that while they may face challenges and discrimination in their own lives, they must never succumb to despair or cynicism; they must always believe that they can write their own destiny.

Ironically, this quintessentially American - and yes, conservative - notion of self-help found frequent expression in Reverend Wright's sermons. But what my former pastor too often failed to understand is that embarking on a program of self-help also requires a belief that society can change.

The profound mistake of Reverend Wright's sermons is not that he spoke about racism in our society. It's that he spoke as if our society was static; as if no progress has been made; as if this country - a country that has made it possible for one of his own members to run for the highest office in the land and build a coalition of white and black; Latino and Asian, rich and poor, young and old -- is still irrevocably bound to a tragic past. But what we know -- what we have seen - is that America can change. That is the true genius of this nation. What we have already achieved gives us hope - the audacity to hope - for what we can and must achieve tomorrow.

In the white community, the path to a more perfect union means acknowledging that what ails the African-American community does not just exist in the minds of black people; that the legacy of discrimination - and current incidents of discrimination, while less overt than in the past - are real and must be addressed. Not just with words, but with deeds - by investing in our schools and our communities; by enforcing our civil rights laws and ensuring fairness in our criminal justice system; by providing this generation with ladders of opportunity that were unavailable for previous generations. It requires all Americans to realize that your dreams do not have to come at the expense of my dreams; that investing in the health, welfare, and education of black and brown and white children will ultimately help all of America prosper.

In the end, then, what is called for is nothing more, and nothing less, than what all the world's great religions demand - that we do unto others as we would have them do unto us. Let us be our brother's keeper, ure tells us. Let us be our sister's keeper. Let us find that common stake we all have in one another, and let our politics reflect that spirit as well.

For we have a choice in this country. We can accept a politics that breeds division, and conflict, and cynicism. We can tackle race only as spectacle - as we did in the OJ trial - or in the wake of tragedy, as we did in the aftermath of Katrina - or as fodder for the nightly news. We can play Reverend Wright's sermons on every channel, every day and talk about them from now until the election, and make the only question in this campaign whether or not the American people think that I somehow believe or sympathize with his most offensive words. We can pounce on some gaffe by a Hillary supporter as evidence that she's playing the race card, or we can speculate on whether white men will all flock to John McCain in the general election regardless of his policies.

We can do that.

But if we do, I can tell you that in the next election, we'll be talking about some other distraction. And then another one. And then another one. And nothing will change.

That is one option. Or, at this moment, in this election, we can come together and say, "Not this time." This time we want to talk about the crumbling schools that are stealing the future of black children and white children and Asian children and Hispanic children and Native American children. This time we want to reject the cynicism that tells us that these kids can't learn; that those kids who don't look like us are somebody else's problem. The children of America are not those kids, they are our kids, and we will not let them fall behind in a 21st century economy. Not this time.

This time we want to talk about how the lines in the Emergency Room are filled with whites and blacks and Hispanics who do not have health care; who don't have the power on their own to overcome the special interests in Washington, but who can take them on if we do it together.

This time we want to talk about the shuttered mills that once provided a decent life for men and women of every race, and the homes for sale that once belonged to Americans from every religion, every region, every walk of life. This time we want to talk about the fact that the real problem is not that someone who doesn't look like you might take your job; it's that the corporation you work for will ship it overseas for nothing more than a profit.

This time we want to talk about the men and women of every color and creed who serve together, and fight together, and bleed together under the same proud flag. We want to talk about how to bring them home from a war that never should've been authorized and never should've been waged, and we want to talk about how we'll show our patriotism by caring for them, and their families, and giving them the benefits they have earned.

I would not be running for President if I didn't believe with all my heart that this is what the vast majority of Americans want for this country. This union may never be perfect, but generation after generation has shown that it can always be perfected. And today, whenever I find myself feeling doubtful or cynical about this possibility, what gives me the most hope is the next generation - the young people whose attitudes and beliefs and openness to change have already made history in this election.

There is one story in particularly that I'd like to leave you with today - a story I told when I had the great honor of speaking on Dr. King's birthday at his home church, Ebenezer Baptist, in Atlanta.

There is a young, twenty-three year old white woman named Ashley Baia who organized for our campaign in Florence, South Carolina. She had been working to organize a mostly African-American community since the beginning of this campaign, and one day she was at a roundtable discussion where everyone went around telling their story and why they were there.

And Ashley said that when she was nine years old, her mother got cancer. And because she had to miss days of work, she was let go and lost her health care. They had to file for bankruptcy, and that's when Ashley decided that she had to do something to help her mom.

She knew that food was one of their most expensive costs, and so Ashley convinced her mother that what she really liked and really wanted to eat more than anything else was mustard and relish sandwiches. Because that was the cheapest way to eat.

She did this for a year until her mom got better, and she told everyone at the roundtable that the reason she joined our campaign was so that she could help the millions of other children in the country who want and need to help their parents too.

Now Ashley might have made a different choice. Perhaps somebody told her along the way that the source of her mother's problems were blacks who were on welfare and too lazy to work, or Hispanics who were coming into the country illegally. But she didn't. She sought out allies in her fight against injustice.

Anyway, Ashley finishes her story and then goes around the room and asks everyone else why they're supporting the campaign. They all have different stories and reasons. Many bring up a specific issue. And finally they come to this elderly black man who's been sitting there quietly the entire time. And Ashley asks him why he's there. And he does not bring up a specific issue. He does not say health care or the economy. He does not say education or the war. He does not say that he was there because of Barack Obama. He simply says to everyone in the room, "I am here because of Ashley."

"I'm here because of Ashley." By itself, that single moment of recognition between that young white girl and that old black man is not enough. It is not enough to give health care to the sick, or jobs to the jobless, or education to our children.

But it is where we start. It is where our union grows stronger. And as so many generations have come to realize over the course of the two-hundred and twenty one years since a band of patriots signed that document in Philadelphia, that is where the perfection begins.

As we know,in American one miracle have happened:

奥巴马当选演讲全文
 Yes，We can！
——华尔街日报翻译版
     奥巴马   

    如果还有人对美国是否凡事都有可能存疑，还有人怀疑美国奠基者的梦想在我们所处的时代是否依然鲜活，还有人质疑我们的民主制度的力量，那么今晚，这些问题都有了答案。
    这是设在学校和教堂的投票站前排起的前所未见的长队给出的答案；是等了三四个小时的选民所给出的答案，其中许多人都是有生以来第一次投票，因为他们认定这一次肯定会不一样，认为自己的声音会是这次大选有别于以往之所在。
    这是所有美国人民共同给出的答案——无论老少贫富，无论是民主党还是共和党，无论是黑人、白人、拉美裔、亚裔、原住民，是同性恋者还是异性恋者、残疾人还是健全人——我们从来不是“红州”和“蓝州”的对立阵营，我们是美利坚合众国这个整体，永远都是。
    长久以来，很多人一再受到告诫，要对我们所能取得的成绩极尽讽刺、担忧和怀疑之能事，但这个答案让这些人伸出手来把握历史，再次让它朝向美好明天的希望延伸。
    已经过去了这么长时间，但今晚，由于我们在今天、在这场大选中、在这个具有决定性的时刻所做的，美国已经迎来了变革。
    我刚刚接到了麦凯恩参议员极具风度的致电。他在这场大选中经过了长时间的努力奋斗，而他为自己所深爱的这个国家奋斗的时间更长、过程更艰辛。他为美国做出 了我们大多数人难以想像的牺牲，我们的生活也因这位勇敢无私的领袖所做出的贡献而变得更美好。我向他和佩林州长所取得的成绩表示祝贺，我也期待着与他们一 起在未来的岁月中为复兴这个国家的希望而共同努力。
    我要感谢我在这次旅程中的伙伴——已当选美国副总统的拜登。他全心参与竞选活动，为普通民众代言，他们是他在斯克兰顿从小到大的伙伴，也是在他回特拉华的火车上遇到的男男女女。
    如果没有一个人的坚决支持，我今晚就不会站在这里，她是我过去16年来最好的朋友、是我们一家人的中坚和我一生的挚爱，更是我们国家的下一位第一夫人：米 歇尔·奥巴马(Michelle Obama)。萨莎(Sasha)和玛丽亚(Malia)，我太爱你们两个了，你们已经得到了一条新的小狗，它将与我们一起入驻白宫。虽然我的外祖母已经 不在了，但我知道她与我的亲人肯定都在看着我，因为他们，我才能拥有今天的成就。今晚，我想念他们，我知道自己欠他们的无可计量。
    我的竞选经理大卫·普劳夫(David Plouffe)、首席策略师大卫·艾克斯罗德(David Axelrod)以及政治史上最好的竞选团队——是你们成就了今天，我永远感激你们为实现今天的成就所做出的牺牲。
    但最重要的是，我永远不会忘记这场胜利真正的归属——它属于你们。
    我从来不是最有希望的候选人。一开始，我们没有太多资金，也没有得到太多人的支持。我们的竞选活动并非诞生于华盛顿的高门华第之内，而是始于得梅因、康科德、查尔斯顿这些地方的普通民众家中。
    我们的竞选活动能有今天的规模，是因为辛勤工作的人们从自己的微薄积蓄中拿出钱来，捐出一笔又一笔5美元、10美元、20美元。而竞选活动的声势越来越大 则是源自那些年轻人，他们拒绝接受认为他们这代人冷漠的荒诞说法；他们离开家、离开亲人，从事报酬微薄、极其辛苦的工作；同时也源自那些已经不算年轻的人 们，他们冒着严寒酷暑，敲开陌生人的家门进行竞选宣传；更源自数百万的美国民众，他们自动自发地组织起来，证明了在两百多年以后，民有、民治、民享的政府 并未从地球上消失。这是你们的胜利。
    我知道你们的所做所为并不只是为了赢得大选，我也知道你们做这一切并不是为了我。你们这样做是因为你们明白摆在面前的任务有多艰巨。因为即便我们今晚欢呼 庆祝，我们也知道明天将面临我们一生之中最为艰巨的挑战——两场战争、一个面临危险的星球，还有百年来最严重的金融危机。今晚站在此地，我们知道伊拉克的 沙漠里和阿富汗的群山中还有勇敢的美国子弟兵醒来，甘冒生命危险保护着我们。会有在孩子熟睡后仍难以入眠的父母，担心如何偿还月供、付医药费或是存够钱送 孩子上大学。我们亟待开发新能源、创造新的工作机会；我们需要修建新学校，还要应对众多威胁、修复与许多国家的关系。
    前方的道路会十分漫长艰辛。我们可能无法在一年甚至一届任期之内实现上述目标，但我从未像今晚这样满怀希望，相信我们会实现。我向你们承诺——我们作为一个整体将会达成目标。
    我们会遭遇挫折和不成功的开端。对于我作为总统所做的每项决定和政策，会有许多人持有异议，我们也知道政府并不能解决所有问题。但我会向你们坦陈我们所面 临的挑战。我会聆听你们的意见，尤其是在我们意见相左之时。最重要的是，我会请求你们参与重建这个国家，以美国221年来从未改变的唯一方式——一砖一 瓦、胼手胝足。
    21个月前那个寒冬所开始的一切不应该在今天这个秋夜结束。今天的选举胜利并不是我们所寻求的改变——这只是我们实现改变的机会。而且如果我们仍然按照旧有方式行事，我们所寻求的改变不可能出现。没有你们，也不可能有这种改变。
    因此，让我们发扬新的爱国精神，树立新的服务意识和责任感，让我们每个人下定决心全情投入、更加努力地工作，并彼此关爱。让我们铭记这场金融危机带来的教训：我们不可能在金融以外的领域备受煎熬的同时拥有繁荣兴旺的华尔街——在这个国家，我们患难与共。
    让我们抵制重走老路的诱惑，避免重新回到长期荼毒美国政治的党派纷争和由此引发的遗憾和不成熟表现。让我们牢记，正是伊利诺伊州的一名男子首次将共和党的 大旗扛到了白宫。共和党是建立在自强自立、个人自由以及全民团结的价值观上，这也是我们所有人都珍视的价值。虽然民主党今天晚上赢得了巨大的胜利，但我们 是以谦卑的态度和弥合阻碍我们进步的分歧的决心赢得这场胜利的。林肯在向远比我们眼下分歧更大的国家发表讲话时说，我们不是敌人，而是朋友……虽然激情可 能褪去，但是这不会割断我们感情上的联系。对于那些现在并不支持我的美国人，我想说，或许我没有赢得你们的选票，但是我听到了你们的声音，我需要你们的帮 助，而且我也将是你们的总统。
    那些彻夜关注美国大选的海外人士，从国会到皇宫，以及在这个世界被遗忘的角落里挤在收音机旁的人们，我们的经历虽然各有不同，但是我们的命运是相通的，新 的美国领袖诞生了。那些想要颠覆这个世界的人们，我们必将击败你们。那些追求和平和安全的人们，我们支持你们。那些所有怀疑美国能否继续照亮世界发展前景 的人们，今天晚上我们再次证明，我们国家真正的力量并非来自我们武器的威力或财富的规模，而是来自我们理想的持久力量：民主、自由、机会和不屈的希望。
    这才是美国真正的精华——美国能够改变。我们的联邦会日臻完善。我们取得的成就为我们将来能够取得的以及必须取得的成就增添了希望。
    这次大选创造了多项“第一”，也诞生了很多将世代流传的故事。但是今天晚上令我难忘的却是在亚特兰大投票的一名妇女：安·尼克松·库波尔(Ann Nixon Cooper)。她和其他数百万排队等待投票的选民没有什么差别，除了一点：她已是106岁的高龄。
    她出生的那个时代奴隶制度刚刚结束；那时路上没有汽车，天上也没有飞机；当时像她这样的人由于两个原因不能投票——一是她是女性，另一个原因是她的肤色。
    今天晚上，我想到了她在美国过去一百年间所经历的种种：心痛和希望；挣扎和进步；那些我们被告知我们办不到的世代，以及那些坚信美国信条──是的，我们能做到──的人们。
    曾几何时，妇女没有发言权，她们的希望化作泡影，但是安·尼克松·库波尔活了下来，看到妇女们站了起来，看到她们大声发表自己的见解，看到她们去参加大选投票。是的，我们能做到。
    当30年代的沙尘暴和大萧条引发人们的绝望之情时，她看到一个国家用罗斯福新政、新就业机会以及对新目标的共同追求战胜恐慌。是的，我们能做到。
    当炸弹袭击了我们的海港、独裁专制威胁到全世界，她见证了美国一代人的伟大崛起，见证了一个民主国家被拯救。是的，我们能做到。
    她看到蒙哥马利通了公共汽车、伯明翰接上了水管、塞尔马建了桥，一位来自亚特兰大的传教士告诉人们：我们能成功。是的，我们能做到。
    人类登上月球、柏林墙倒下，世界因我们的科学和想像被连接在一起。今年，就在这次选举中，她用手指触碰屏幕投下自己的选票，因为在美国生活了106年之后，经历了最好的时光和最黑暗的时刻之后，她知道美国如何能够发生变革。是的，我们能做到。
    美国，我们已经走过漫漫长路。我们已经历了很多。但是我们仍有很多事情要做。因此今夜，让我们自问——如果我们的孩子能够活到下个世纪；如果我们的女儿有幸活得和安一样长，他们将会看到怎样的改变？我们将会取得怎样的进步？
    现在是我们回答这个问题的机会。这是我们的时刻。这是我们的时代——让我们的人民重新就业，为我们的后代敞开机会的大门；恢复繁荣发展，推进和平事业；让 “美国梦”重新焕发光芒，再次证明这样一个基本的真理：我们是一家人；一息尚存，我们就有希望；当我们遇到嘲讽和怀疑，当有人说我们办不到的时候，我们要 以这个永恒的信条来回应他们：
    是的，我们能做到。感谢你们。愿上帝保佑你们，保佑美利坚合众国。